Cameron's statement of values tries to mix small 'c' conservative economics with compassionate progressive social values - which trying ever so slightly to conceal that either is taking place.
While the idea that economic stability should come before tax-cuts is being presented by some parts of the press as a radical departure from traditional politics, it's a fairly traditional pragmatic model of fiscal responsibility - as is the promise to 'share growth' with the public sector, translatable as 'we will spend more when we can afford to spend more'.
There's a balancing act here, to be certain, between the hard line demand for spending discipline and the socially soft-centred measure of government policy being how it helps the most disadvantaged. Part of that act is the rebranding of 'help those that help themselves', phrased as a partial attack on a centralising government. For example:
We will stand up for the victims of state failure and ensure that social justice and equal opportunity are achieved by empowering people and communities - instead of thinking that only the state can guarantee fairness.
A small rhetorical misdirection here: the only way to help people is to empower them, not to have the state intervene. However, it's the state's fault for not intervening to empower them in the proper way: it was the wrong kind of intervention, the wrong flavour of fairness because it was defined by the state. Note the absence of the market as a means of ensuring social justice.
It also manages to avoid entirely demonising the state as a distant, interfering, disciplinarian: the state can also be a warm, huggable place where people can come together:
We understand the limitations of government, but are not limited in our aspirations for government. We believe in the role of government as a force for good. [...]
We believe that government should be closer to the people, not further away. We want to see more local democracy, instead of more centralisation.
It's a good move, given how many potential voters work directly or indirectly in the public sector - but mainly because it taps into the sensation that democracy and accountability in the UK are sliding away. It ends up being not so much an indirect critique of the state, as the role of the state under the Blair government.
There's also a hint of the woe-fully managed dog-whistle tactic ("are you thinking what we're thinking?") where fairly non-committal phrases can be taken to support both socially conservative and progressive values. For example, support for traditional marriage and the family without ruling out same-sex or non-traditional families:
[Government] should support families and marriage, and those who care for others.
The problem here is that you have to want to see those hidden emphasises: it's primarily an exercise in political truisims, pragmatic to the point of blandness and liable to annoy some party activists for its lack of backbone. The key trick in this document is presenting conservative values as a principle of natural equilibrium:
We will trust professionals and share responsibility - instead of controlling professionals in state monopolies.
and
We will ensure strong defence and the effective enforcement of laws that balance liberty and safety - instead of ineffective authoritarianism which puts both freedom and security at risk.
Both of which present the image of a harmonious balance between the state and the individual - between private and public action - that is intended to contrast with the Blair government's pursuit of barcode neck tattoos. On those grounds, it's a good salespitch and one which fits in with Cameron's preference for 'consensual' rather than 'adversarial' politics.
The main problem in getting members to sign on isn't the declaration that there is such a thing as a society after all, or that purer conservatives will argue that government should butt the fuck out of our lives on all fronts - but that there's relatively little for the party faithful to rally behind. Regardless of affiliation, party activists like adversarial politics and it will take more than this to wean them off the thrill of partisan debate.
One of the new Conservative party slogans is 'change to win': whether this signals better PR or a true policy revamp is still unclear. The hint of a return to small 'c' conservative economics is going to be the most popular part of this document - and is perhaps designed to appeal to the centre right as well as traditional party members; almost everything else is about an attempt to re-occupy the centre ground on social issues.